Mbeki: The Lessons for Nigeria

Comfort Obi

Thabo Mbeki, President of South Africa since 1999, resigned from office on Sunday, September 21. He was forced to quit by his party, the African National Congress (ANC). Ironically, he lost out to Jacob Zuma, a man he sacked as South Africa’s Vice President in 2005. For Mbeki, it is a sudden and humiliating end to a stressful but beautiful voyage into politics. He was born into the struggle. He lived in the struggle, suffered in the struggle, enjoyed after the struggle, and was humiliated out of office in a new struggle. His fall began in 2005 when he sacked Zuma on allegations of corruption. A charismatic, grassroots, populist politician, Zuma left in disgrace, and faced prosecution. I am not a Zuma fan. He may be popular with his people, especially the poor, the ordinary and the labour unions, but I don’t find his credentials inspiring.
A little above the illiteracy level, Zuma got educated on the job. A polygamist of the worst order, he also habours concubines. The most celebrated case of his high libido was his tango with an HIV-positive woman who sued him for rape. But Zuma insisted that both of them had consensual sex. In a revelation that exposed his ignorance, and ought to have made him bow his head in shame, he said he took a bath after having sex with the lady to stop him from contacting the disease. He was discharged and acquitted. But a bribery case was waiting for him. Zuma’s financial adviser had earlier been found guilty of soliciting a bribe on his behalf. When Zuma was fired by Mbeki and recommended for trial, everybody thought that was his end, politically. But Zuma, the grassroots man, pulled off an unbelievable come-back. He beat Mbeki to assume the leadership of the ANC. Mbeki was thus answerable to an ANC led by Zuma. It was sweet victory for Zuma who, courtesy of that, was just a step away from succeeding Mbeki in office. The only obstacle was the corruption case against him.
But on September 12, a High Court set him free on technical grounds. The court ruled that Mbeki had connived with the prosecution in order to get at Zuma. With that ruling, Mbeki’s political grave was dug. He did not stand much of a chance. The National Executive Council of his party, ANC, asked him to step down. He had seven months to the end of his tenure.
I have no tears for Mbeki. And this is speaking as a proud Nigerian. Mbeki, at a time, during the devilish apartheid regime in South Africa, lived in Nigeria, carrying the Nigerian passport, and was maintained by the Nigerian government. All through Mbeki’s tenure as the South African President, I didn’t see him doing much for Nigeria and Nigerians. He thought South Africa was in competition with Nigeria. When Nigeria showed a lame interest in bidding for the 2010 World Cup, South Africa immediately picked interest. It won. On Mbeki’s watch, Nigerians in South Africa are regarded as common criminals. They are looked upon with suspicion. They are harassed, assaulted and robbed openly in Mbeki’s country. It became difficult for them to engage in businesses, no matter how honest. Even traveling to Mbeki’s country became a problem. The climax was the Xenophobia uprising against Africans, especially Nigerians, which resulted in the killing and maiming of hundreds of people on allegations that they were taking over their country. Mbeki may not have been in support, but his very slow reaction did not help matters. Many saw it as a tacit support for the activities of his people. But this day when Mbeki bowed to the supremacy of the ANC, and quit office, my respect for him soared, and I applauded, calling him a poster boy for African politics.
Mbeki is 66. In South Africa’s neighbour, Zimbabwe, its President, Robert Mugabe, at 83 + clings to power, and wants to die on television while addressing long-suffering Zimbabweans. But more important, Mbeki’s example has exposed the inferiority of Nigerian leaders to South African leaders when it comes to democracy. Nigerians don't resign. Just look at why Mbeki quit. In Nigeria, it would be taken as normal. Politicians here boast publicly how much they pay judicial officers. Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, once threatened a judge openly for rulling against his boy.
The story of Mbeki and Zuma reminds one of former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Atiku. In the last two years of their tenure in office, life was hell for Atiku. He was an idle Vice President. His aides were sacked at will. At a time, he himself was “sacked.” The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), under the chairmanship of Nuhu Ribadu, was unleashed on him. He was barred from contesting the presidential election. Allowances due to him were stopped. The PDP and Obasanjo boasted about it. Atiku was humiliated till he left office, inspite of his several court victories. Obasanjo’s hands were all too visible in the EFCC-induced illegal impeachment of governors – Oyo, Ekiti, Anambra – yet, nothing happened to Obasanjo. In deed, in Ondo State, he threatened the Labour Party candidate, Olusegun Mimiko, publicly, with EFCC. He disqualified at will, using the EFCC, governorship and presidential hopefuls. Waving the EFCC banner, he whipped them into obeying his every word. Court orders were disobeyed without a blink of the eyes.
It is refreshing that Mbeki bowed to the supremacy of his party. In Nigeria, who born monkey? President Umaru Yar’Adua does not talk much, so, I don’t know how it is now. But during the Obasanjo era, the PDP, his party, was in his pocket. He was the one who sacked the party national executive members. The party national chairmen were rags. He changed them like he changed his underwears – Solomon Lar, Barnabas Gemade, Audu Ogbeh, Ahmadu Ali. He did the same thing with Senate Presidents. You had to grovel before him to become somebody in the PDP.
Mbeki has fallen. But he will still be more influential in African and world politics than Obasanjo. Whenever there is a problem with democracy anywhere in Africa, Mbeki, rather than Obasanjo, will be the first choice of the international community for mediation.
What happened in South Africa’s ANC is also a lesson for the PDP as a political party. It regales us with being the largest party in Africa. But of what use is a large party which lacks discipline, the rule of law and a tradition worth emulating. The cap of the greatest party in Africa belong to the ANC. And there is no capable shadow of doubt about that.