Rampage of Ex-Militants

Arms, surrendered by Ex-Militants

The recent upsurge in protests by former militants especially over unpaid allowances, seems to be an indication of resurgency of militancy in the troubled Niger Delta region
By Lawson Heyford, Yenagoa/Port Harcourt
When in April, 2009, at the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) stakeholders meeting in Abuja, President Umaru Yar’Adua announced the Federal Government’s grant of a six-month amnesty deal for repentant militants from the Niger Delta region, many were skeptical about the sincerity of the government regarding the issue, just as there were doubts as to the success and acceptability of the programme by the militants. But by Sunday, October 4, 2009 when the amnesty period elapsed, it was obvious that the government meant well, resulting in thousands of militants surrendering their arms, ammunition and other dangerous weapons in their different states, including Rivers, Delta, Edo, Akwa Ibom, Ondo and Bayelsa.
The leaders of the various militant groups including Ateke Tom, Boy Loaf, Government Ekpemupolo alias Tompolo, Farah Dagogo, Soboma George met at various times with President Yar’ Adua on the amnesty deal, the Niger Delta question and the matter of their rehabilitation. Major-General Godwin Abe (rtd), chairman of the Amnesty and Rehabilitation Committee, said over 15,000 militants had surrendered their arms at the expiration of the amnesty period. But Ateke Tom, former leader of the Niger Delta Vigilante Force said there were over 400,000 militants in different parts of the Niger Delta. And the Federal Government reportedly approved N15 billion for the purpose of carrying out proper rehabilitation and resocialisation of the militants.
Prior to the emergence of the Godwin Abbe committee, the government had set up the Ledum Mitee-led Niger Delta Technical Committee whose report is yet to see the light of the day. Several Nigerians have called for the release of the white paper on the report. The government on its part insists that the Mitee committee report is already being implemented. At the expiration of the amnesty period, the militants were camped at various orientation centres scattered in parts of the Niger Delta.
To keep the boys in camp, the government opted to be paying each of them N65,000 cumulatively per month. This amount is made up of N1,500 each day and an additional N20,000 for each of them at the end  of each month. The daily payment is put together and paid to them bi-weekly. Unfortunately, for one reason or the other, payments for some weeks have been delayed. And because of such delays, the militants have broken into communities where their camps are located to protest the delay. In Bayelsa State, for instance, there is only one rehabilitation centre located in the capital city of Yenagoa
The former militants in Yenagoa have come out at least twice to protest what they termed the “dehumanising treatment” which they are being exposed to, apart from the delayed payment of allowances. Their protests were majorly peaceful along the streets of Yenagoa, disrupting commercial activities in the process. There is also one federal camp in Rivers State located at Aluu in Obio/Akpor Local Government area, some metres away from the University of Port Harcourt (UNIPORT).
Penultimate Monday, November 15, 2009, the former militants forced their way out from their Aluu rehabilitation camp and rushed into Aluu and the neighbouring communities of Choba, the host commuinity of UNIPORT, like wild animals. They reportedly descended on their victims, mainly students and lecturers at the Abuja and Choba campuses of the institution as well as commuters and private and commercial vehicle drivers along the ever - busy East- West Road. Men of the Joint Task Force (JTF) called in for rescue operation, clashed with the rampaging militants, although there were no casualties.
Windscreens of vehicles that ply the East-West Road and other adjoining streets were smashed, just as a number of such vehicles were also looted. Commuters, vehicles owners and passengers lost their cell phones and money to the angry protesters. The protesting former militants swooped on one of the boutiques along Choba Road and looted every item there as well as beat up both the shop owner and customers. The former militants attacked a woman and collected from her five million Naira which she was to lodge into her company’s account in one of the commercial banks in the campus.
Unconfirmed reports have it that a number of female students at UNIPORT were raped by the protesting militants. As at Wednesday, the whereabout of some female students remained uncertain as the ex-militants were accused of abducting unspecified number of female students. But the ex-militants have denied the allegation of rape, saying their protest was against delayed payment of their stipends and provision of some basic amenities including water and electricity. They accused the government officials in charge of their payment of deliberately denying them their allowances and promised to continue to protest each time their money was delayed.
Bestman Nwoka, co-ordinator of the Amnesty Programme in Rivers State, said the protest by the former militants was unnecessary, moreso, since he had earlier  explained to them the reason for the delay.
There were mixed reactions to the action by the ex-militants, with most people and groups blaming the government for not being ready to take up the challenges associated with the amnesty granted the youths. This is probably why the presidency is being accused of insincerity in the amnesty programme. The Ijaw Monitoring Group (IMG), an NGO, for instance, stated that the amnesty given to the former Niger Delta militants is a grand deception intended solely to placate the International Communities towards a successful hosting of the recently-concluded FIFA under-17 World Cup competition in Nigeria.
Comrade Joseph Evah Co-ordinator of the IMG, insists that the Federal Government has not been sincere with the development of the Niger Delta region, wondering why the government was busy playing politics with the development of the troubled region.
In the same vein, the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC), faulted the method being adopted by the government in the implementation of the amnesty programme. Comrade Undengs Eradiri, secretary-general of the youth body alleged that the money approved and released by the government for the rehabilitation of the former militants had “developed wings,” just six weeks after the end of the amnesty period.
The protest by the over 400,000 former militants camped at the Rural Development Training Centre (RDTC), Aluu, came few weeks after about 300 ex-militants at the Rivers State Government-owned  Orientation and Rehabilitation camp at Okehi in Etche Local Government area staged a similar protest on the streets of the community against non or delayed payment of their bi-weekly stipends by the state government. The state police command said it apprehended nine ex-militants in connection with the Choba rampage in which the host community, Aluu, students, lecturers as well as commuters were attacked.
Bala Hassan, the state police commissioner, said the former militants who were arrested along Aluu Road, have all made useful statements to the police, promising that they would soon be charged to court.
Students of UNIPORT last Tuesday embarked on a protest match from their three campuses down to Government House, Port Harcourt, covering a distance of about 20 kilometres.  Amaechi Solomon, the student union leader who spoke on behalf of his colleagues, called for the immediate relocation of the camp from Aluu because of inherent danger in citing the centre close to UNIPORT.
According to him, the seven-hour protest by the ex-militants disrupted their academic activities as both academic and non-academic staff in the institution abandoned their offices and lecture halls. Members of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the Non- Academic Staff Union (NASU), he said, have resolved not to return to the lecture halls and offices until the camp at Aluu is relocated.
Since penultimate Monday, there has not been any lecture at the institution. The authorities of UNIPORT responded immediately to the situation and joined in the call for the relocation of the camp from Aluu. The image- maker of the institution, Dr. Williams Wodi contended that, that was the only solution to maintain peace on the campuses.
Ogbonna Nwuke, the Rivers State Commissioner for Commerce and Industry who addressed the students on behalf of the state government, said the government shares in their pains and apologised to the university community for the ex-militants’ action.
According to him, the government will investigate the incident and ensure that those former militants involved in the protest are brought to book. In the meantime, he said, security operatives have been directed to ensure the safety of the students and lecturers.
The ex-militants’ rampage, according to some members of the university community, reminded them of the former Chief Security Officer (CSO) of the institution, Wali Amadi. The former CSO, a native of Rumuosi community, about one kilometre from the university was killed by unknown gunmen who had gone to the residence of Professor Ozor Ndimele for his possible abduction.
Following an alert from Ndimele’s home on the campus, the former CSO who was a retired police officer, had rushed to the scene, but was shot dead during an exchange of gunfire between the police team which arrived there later and the gunmen. That brought about the question as to which of the bullets killed the former gallant CSO? Was it that of the gunmen or the police? The riddle remains a sore point both for the community and police handling the investigation into the gruesome murder.
Residents of the university community said if Amadi were alive, the ex-militants would not have even contemplated any protest around the institution, talkless of attacking students and lecturers. The Movement for the Emmancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), has on its part, condemned the location of the camp at Aluu, a nearby community to Choba, the host community of UNIPORT.
MEND said the incident was a confirmation of its earlier fears that the government was insincere with its amnesty programme, describing it as a decoy to further exploit and explore the oil and gas resource in the Niger Delta region for the development of the other parts of the country, but at the expense of the South south region, the home of the “hen that lays the golden egg”.
Consequent upon the fragile peace that has pervaded the Niger Delta region as a result of the surrendering of arms by the repentant militants, major oil companies including Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC); the Nigerian Agip Oil Company (NAOC) and Chevron Nigeria Limited (CNL), which had suspended operations in some of the on-shore areas of the region have all gone back, re-opening their oil fields and wells to boost oil and gas production. Available records indicate that Nigeria’s oil output has increased from 1.3 million barrels per day to about 1.54 million barrels per day within the past few weeks.
However, there are fears that the current disquiet in the region may escalate if news about a possible friction, within the ex-militants body, MEND, is anything to go by. Indications are rife that MEND has now been polarised into two main factions with Henry Okah heading one group and Ekpemupolo, alias Tompolo in charge of the other.
Last Wednesday, November 18, 2009, the Tompolo camp rose from a close-door meeting in Warri, the commercial city of Delta State and announced the immediate suspension of two of its leaders, Henry Okah and Jomo Gbomo, its spokesman. General Dagogo is one of the most prominent persons still behind Okah.
The emergency-post-amnesty, meeting which attracted over 30 former MEND “generals” and “field commanders” took place in one of the ex-militants’ camps in the creeks of Delta State. Others present were “Generals” Ezekiel Akpasibe – Owei;  Pastor Reuben; John Isiaye; Alex Preye; Frank Ibigone and Pius Wareyai.
A communiqué from the hurriedly-convened meeting accused Okah of arrogance and unilaterally nominating the “Aaron Team” without due consultation with other generals in the creeks. MEND had announced the setting up of a team headed by Professor Wole Soyinka to negotiate with the federal authorities on its behalf. The government which had insisted that it would not meet with MEND’s “Aaron Team”, latter changed its mind as president Yar’Adua eventually met with the team, though behind close-doors. It was this latest stance of the Presidency that observers regard as a ploy to quieting the ex-militants for the sake of the recently-concluded FIFA under-17 World Cup.
The setting up of the “Aaron Team” appears to be the main cause of the split in MEND as both camps claim to be right in their decision. The Tompolo faction insists that unless Okah and Gbomo “stop their post- amnesty negotiation with the Federal Government and apologise to the armed fighters, we shall be obliged to declare them, particularly Okah, an outcast.” The meeting held at the instance of “General” John Togo, warned of the consequences in continuing to deal with Okah on their behalf. Okah and Gbomo have not reacted to the outcome of the Warri meeting.
But the recent increasing spate of protests, kidnappings and destruction or bombing of homes of some politicians in parts of the Niger Delta region, tends to heighten tension and fear among the people and even oil workers, most of whom were just returning to their initial places of work. Perhaps, it was the recent developments that made the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) to cast aspersion on the Governors Forum, an umbrella body of the nation’s 36 state governors, over its comment two weeks ago that peace had returned to the war-torn Niger Delta region.
The Co-ordinator of the ACF in the South south, Alhaji Musa Saidu, said if there was peace in the region, why did the governors come to Yenagoa, the Bayelsa State capital with a retinue of security details? The governors had met in Bayelsa state where they issued a communiqué affirming that the government’s amnesty programme was a huge success, having brought about peace in the region. Saidu said the comment by the Forum was a mere academic exercise that will certainly fail, insisting that only transparency, commitment and justice would bring about an enduring peace in the region.
As if confirming the fears of the ACF, in the wee hours of penultimate Saturday, precisely on November 13, 2009, the country home of Chief Rufus Abadi, alias Babaru, at  Otuan community in Southern Ijaw Local Government Area of  Bayelsa state was attacked. The  chairman of the state chapter of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) had been having a running battle with some PDP stakeholders in recent times, resulting in his partial removal as leader of the ruling political party in the state. The bombing of the building has already created panic and tension regarding the increasing level of insecurity in the state. Neither the state wing of the party nor the state government has issued any statement on the attack. But Abadi himself said the action was politically motivated, but refrained from pointing at any particular individual, group or direction.
But the Action Congress (AC) in Bayelsa State has taken over the matter, and petitioned President Yar’Adua and his deputy, Goodluck Jonathan over the bombing of Abadi’s palatial home, calling for an end to the state of violence in the ruling party.
In separate letters to the two first citizens of Nigeria, the AC through its state secretary, Miriki Ebikabina, appealed for urgent intervention in the seeming intra-political crisis rocking the state branch of the PDP. In consonnance with Abadi’s claim that the action against him was politically motivated, one of his aides, Jones Abiri, said the attack was a “clear case of assassination attempt” on the life of his boss.   
But the crack within MEND, observers believe, could work out positively for the Federal Government in the war to finally nail the former militants who now claim to be freedom-fighters. In the meantime, the intrigues continue.